Authority in the Indian Tradition — And the Architecture of the Red Fort
Text of the Talk delivered on 16 April 2025 to the History Department, Lady Sri Ram College, Delhi, at their Annual Academic Fest
To understand the connections between the manifestation of authority and the architecture of the Red Fort, it is important to first clarify the meanings of authority. I would like to spend some time to do that.
The Oxford English Dictionary tells us that authority is: ‘the power or right to give orders, make decisions, and enforce obedience;' or ‘a person or organization having political or administrative power and control.’
Therefore, within the ambit of that definition, our exploration would be: how does architecture articulate ‘the power or right to give orders, make decisions, and enforce obedience;' or symbolise ‘a person or organization having political or administrative power and control’?
However, there is a difference between this current standard notion of authority and the characteristic attributes and conventions of authority in the Indian tradition. Attributes of authority depend on what is seen as the purpose of authority. I contend that in the Indian tradition, the purpose of authority is not merely the enforcement of law, order, obedience or control of power; the purpose of authority is also to promote growth and happiness — and in what may seem irreconcilable with obedience and order, to foster freedom as well.
In The Arthashastra, ascribed by many scholars to be a work of great antiquity, Kautilya enumerating the ‘Duties of a King’, is clear that;
In the happiness of his subjects lies his happiness; in their welfare his welfare. He shall not consider as good only that which pleases him but treat as beneficial to him whatever pleases his subjects. {1.1 9.34}
This is the first point: that authority is not just about rights, but also responsibilities. The second point I would like to stress is that one of the key ways in which this happens is through the practice, as much as the patronage, of architecture. Since architecture is the setting for all life-processes, it is through architecture that those in authority can exercise control, for the better or worse, over the lives of those under them.
Architecture has of course been called ‘the mother of all the arts’ in many traditions and through many ages. In modern times, the celebrated American architect, Frank Lloyd Wright is famously attributed to have said: “The mother art is architecture. Without an architecture of our own we have no soul of our own civilization.”
In the Indian tradition, we also see that architecture is part of a larger pervasive term, Shilpa, which constitutes the creative process together with the product. Systems of knowledge are actually and symbolically part of the same family-circle. Thus, the Vedas credit the knower of crafts as vijnanika or scientist, with theoretical, technical and creative ability; and A K Coomaraswamy notes that all the main guilds of Indian craftsmen claim to be descended from the five sons of Visvakarma, the divine architect.
This is something I have dealt with in detail in my writings. Here I will just say that architecture is not only a manifestation of construction, detailing and decoration (what are today termed as the decorative and the industrial arts) but also the stage, setting and container for all the performative arts that animate life processes: including music, dance, literature, poetry and so on. When I use the term ‘architecture in the Indian tradition’, I use it to mean all the various and manifold arts that it encompassed.
Given this background, we need to appreciate that the role of authority in the Indian tradition as manifested in architecture, is not just about commissioning architecture as lasting symbols of power, but also about being adept at, and connoisseurs of, the tenets, aesthetics and objectives of the different arts that are contained in architecture, or take place in it.
Let me expand on the link between all the arts by quoting from the Foreword by Dr Sudhir Lall, in my book on Attributing Design Identity, Identifying Design Attributes. Dr Lall reproduces a dialogue ‘between the king Vajra and sage Markandaya in the Vishnudharmottara Purana’ where ‘The king Vajra wishes to build a temple with icons that may always manifest the dieties’. On asking the sage how he may do so, he is informed that ‘one who is not familiar with the principles of painting can never know the art of making icons’. Very well, says the king: please teach me the canon of painting. The answer he gets is that this cannot be done without learning the art of dance, for in both ‘the world is represented’.
The king is willing to learn dance too, but that is also not possible — he must first know the principles of instrumental music. Please instruct me about instrumental music then, asks the king. No, says the sage. Familiarity with instrumental music is not possible without knowledge of vocal music. If that is so, please explain vocal music to me, requests the king. Vocal music, says the sage, has to be understood ‘as subject to training in recitation that may be done in two ways: prose and verse’. Finally then, the king begins training in recitation as a necessary prelude to building the temple with its icons.
This dialogue does not just ‘highlight the interrelatedness of Indian arts’ — in Dr Lall’s words. It also shows that it is not strange or incongruous for kings or those in authority to be trained in the arts. To cite a few historical examples: Maharaja Bhoja in the 11th century CE, who ruled over the Malwa region, is ascribed to have authored the Samarangana Sutradhara, an encyclopaedic work covering town-planning, military engineering, architecture, painting, iconography, dance postures, etc. In the 13th century CE, JayaSenapati, the chief of the elephant-forces of the Kakatiyas, authors Nrtta Ratnavali, a well-known treatise on dance. Many of the Mughal emperors too — including those who were famous for their military and administrative prowess, such as Shah Jahan — displayed a skill and a temperament for the arts, especially architecture.
Despite this, an active interest in the arts is seen by many other traditions as effeminate, and contrary to the attributes that those in authority should display. This is a dialogue from the film Shatranj ke Khilari between General Outram, the chief representative of the British East India Company posted at Luckhnow and one of his officers. In revealing how Nawab Wajid Ali’s fondness for poetry and his piety, are seen to be utterly contemptible and unworthy pursuits, we see what the British hold to be the purpose and desirable characteristics of authority.
In the Indian tradition, such accomplishments are not deemed unworthy of a ruler. Thus, Kautilya in listing the qualities of an ideal king, apart from those of leadership, intellect and energy includes that of personal attributes, and specifically states that: ‘He should be well-trained in all the arts.’ This of course, does not mean that he advocates that all training and time is devoted to the arts. It is a balance between the twin objectives of ‘enforcement of law, order, obedience or controlling power’ and ‘promoting happiness and freedom’, which is advised. And it is this balance that is manifested in multiple ways when we study the architecture of the Red Fort at Delhi. I will explain this by briefly presenting to you aspects of its planning, layout, and detail — as well as by revealing aspects of the persona of its patron, the Emperor Shah Jahan.
In the words of W E Begley and Z A Desai, in the foreword to their edited English translation of The Shah Jahan Nama of Inayat Khan: ‘For more than thirty years, from 1628 to 1658, Shah Jahan held absolute sway over a vast Indian empire stretching from Assam to Afghanistan and comprising a total area almost half the size of Europe’. Even before he took over as emperor, Shah Jahan, from the days of his youth, evinced a strong interest in commissioning architecture and participated closely in experimenting with different versions and scales of architecture.
The Red Fort, constructed in the second decade of his reign, at a time when Shah Jahan had consolidated the Mughal empire and was looking to further expand it, was intended by him to be an enduring symbol reflecting the peak of his political authority. It was also the culmination of his previous experiments in architecture. Arguably the richest ruler of his time, among Shah Jahan’s main motivations in establishing his new Fort and city, were the demonstration of his political power, and the resources he could command, as well as the opportunity to give full reign to his own refined aesthetics — through the medium of the superlative artists in his empire who could realise his dream through their craft.
Thus, in The Shah Jahan Nama of Inayat Khan, the ‘Account of the Founding of the Fort’ is described in these words:
‘Several years before, the thought came to his Majesty’s omniscient mind that he should select some pleasant site on the banks of the aforesaid river, distinguished by its genial climate, where he might found a splendid fort and delightful edifices.’… In accordance with the ever-obeyed mandate, skilled artisans were summoned from all parts of the imperial dominions, wherever artificers could be found — whether plain stone-cutters, ornamental sculptors, masons or carpenters. By the mandate worthy of implicit obedience, they were all collected together, and multitudes of common labourers were employed in the work.’
(Emphasis mine)
Shah Jahan’s active interest in the conception as well as the construction of this Fort, is also revealed in his court-histories. We are told that:
‘On the 3rd of Z’il-Hijja 1057 (30 December 1647), the imperial camp overshadowed by its arrival the suburbs of Delhi…On the morrow (31 December), as there was a halt, the emperor paid a visit to all the buildings in the fort of Shahjahanabad—which had been designed in accordance with his own noble taste for architecture—and ordered additional improvements to be made wherever it seemed suitable to his august mind.
We are thus explicitly told about the Emperor’s announced intention of establishing ‘a splendid Fort and delightful edifices’, and ‘the summoning of skilled artisans from all parts of the imperial domain’ to construct it — ‘in accordance with the ever-obeyed mandate’. The meanings of authority as enforcing obedience, of having political or administrative power, are unambiguously stated — as is the purpose for which this power is exercised. Shah Jahan’s involvement in the design and construction of the Fort is recorded, and reference is made to these being in accordance to ‘his own noble taste for architecture’. It is evidently essential that to develop this taste, it is necessary to have knowledge of the various arts that come together in architecture. Such knowledge is also necessary to command the process of producing and using architecture in meaningful ways.
How does the architecture of the Fort reflect this knowledge? How does it live up to my contention about achieving a balance between ensuring order and giving freedom, that have been part of the ideals of authority in the Indian tradition? And how can we read the architecture of the Fort, given its radical transformation through the 400 years of its existence? I do so by foregrounding the evidence of what remains of its original buildings on ground, using architecture as its own primary source in reading its history — and studying this in relation to the secondary evidence of records of its original design, as well as of its form and use at different times.
Let us first examine the Fort from the level of urban design. We see that it is positioned at the eastern end of its contemporary city of Shahjahanabad, such that it forms the climax to the two main urban axes. The two main streets of Urdu Bazar leading up to the Lahori Darwaza, and Faiz Bazar leading up to the Dilli Darwaza, meet at the Fort. On the one hand, the Fort commands the banks of the Yamuna, the river-route and the fertile, productive river-basin. On the other hand, it is at the farthest end of the west and south roads that connect Shahjahanabad to strategic trade routes, entry points into the sub-continent used by invaders and traders, and other urban-centres and regions. Its location demonstrates power and privilege. Whichever route you traverse, land or water; whichever gate you enter the city from, it is the vast circuit of the towering Fort walls that rise up in front. All roads lead to the Fort, and its presence — and by extension that of the emperor who resides in it, personifying the source of political and administrative control — is a palpable physical feature of the city.
Notwithstanding this unequivocal position of power, the location of the Fort is also designed to provide several dimensions of freedom and well-being to the inhabitants of Shahjahanabad. To begin with, the fact that it is situated furthest away from all the entrance gates of the land-routes, implies that the daily traffic supporting the court-ritual and formal ceremonies of the Fort, does not interfere with the functioning of the rest of the city. The Fort dwarfs everything else, but it does not get in the way of the citizens, or restrict their movements.
This twin role of authority in securing privilege for those in power, while simultaneously being considerate to those under their power, is a consistent theme of the Fort’s design. For instance, while it is true that the Fort visually blocks the view of the Yamuna from the formal western entry into Shahjahanabad, it is also true that almost all of the river-front is spatially accessible to the residents of Shahjahanabad — even the river-banks directly in front of the Fort, from where on occasion the Emperor enters the Red Fort. It is on these banks, every morning that people gather for the morning darshan of their emperor.
This ritual is not just a proclamation of his authority and a reiteration of his symbolic association with the sun, the source of all energy and life. It is also an opportunity for people to directly intercede with the Emperor. Contrast this with today, where it is not deemed permissible by those in authority that citizens should easily access the river; when architecture and town-planning separate people from the river as well as from the centres of power. To continue with the Fort’s design, the Emperor’s private river-gate does not just give him the advantage of a secure, direct entry, but also ensures that his comings and goings do not incommode the city. The significance of this would be realised by any one of us who have ever been held up on the roads of Delhi because of that phenomenon called VIP Movement.
When we go closer to the Fort, we see this same combination of control coexisting with freedom. The roads leading up to its main gates broaden out into grand chowks in front of the Fort. The chowks are surrounded by gardens, which are essentially orchards. The landscape around the Fort is devised to add to its grand visual effect. Francois Bernier, the French traveller who lived in Shahjahanabad about a decade after its inauguration, writes about the beautiful effect of the green plantation against its red walls. At the same time, all this is not just for visual effect; it allows ample social advantages to citizens. The chowks are spill-over open-spaces for the Fort, where the Rajas on duty mount guard at night, where the royal horses are exercised in the morning — but they are also places where at other times all manner of products and skills are displayed; where sellers and buyers, performers and spectators, gather. All the areas around the Fort: the wide chowks, the cool sandy banks, the shaded garden-orchards, the ghats, are open to the public where they can swim, bathe, offer prayers, stroll, picnic, watch performances, view the Emperor in his public balcony, etc. Directly after these areas, are the tree-lined main streets of the city, cooled by a central canal running down their lengths; and surrounded by houses, temples, baghs, mosques, shops and sarais.
Thus, privilege does not cocoon, but creates a great degree of spatial and social coexistence and creative collaboration. The close relationship between the authority of the Emperor centred in the Fort and the lives of his people in the city, is also manifest in the design of the direct entrance into the Fort through drawbridges from the chowks in front of the Lahori and Dilli Darwazas. These have to be entered today through smaller side-gates, as those of us who have visited the Fort will know. The original visual and spatial connection between the Fort and Shahjahanabad — where the Fort’s two public gateways open out into the city, and the people of the city come right up to the gardens around its walls — is a very important part of its design. So much so, that when Aurangzeb after taking over as emperor, ordered that the straight entry into the Fort should be blocked, Shah Jahan, reportedly wrote to him from Agra Fort where he was imprisoned: ‘Dear Son, you have made the fort a Bride, and put a veil upon her face’.
What happens within the Fort — the actual centre of power? Well, the architecture of the Fort is devised towards three main objectives: to regulate entry and activity within the Fort, form a backdrop and setting for the Emperor; and to create conditions for a certain way of life. It does this through a sequence of grand built-and open spaces that work together to create a crescendo of public movement, leading up in stages to the Diwan-i-Am, the Hall of Public Audience — with the Throne of the Emperor at its very centre. These built-and open spaces consist of gateways, pavilions and arcades set in walled forecourts and streets, all constructed in a geometrical relationship whose order and symmetry proclaim Shah Jahan’s power and presence, as the supreme authority of the Empire.
This sequence of formal public spaces are devised like the spine of the Fort, and were probably laid out first of all, generating the sub-divisions in which other buildings were later filled in. Yet, interestingly, these same grand public spaces, while enforcing control and regulating movement, also simultaneously foster freedom for other inmates of the Fort. Multiple functions with people across the social spectrum inhabiting a fort, is part of our indigenous tradition. And in keeping with its attribute of hosting a multiplicity of city-level functions, the Red Fort is of a formidable size. James Fergusson in The History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, compares it to fort-palaces in the western tradition and notes that: ‘…the haram and private apartments of the palace’, cover ‘more than twice the area of the Escorial, or in fact, of any palace in Europe.’
The architectural organisation of the Fort allows close proximity and efficient permutations of administrative, residential, manufacturing and recreational functions — in which various social groups participate. Thus, scenes of resplendent public court-ritual are located right next to semi-public and private areas. Since they are screened from each other by arcaded walls, neither security nor comfort is compromised. The walled open-spaces create multiple domains where the area of the Emperor’s use can be very formal, ordered and symmetrical, while the rest of the Fort can develop typologies of buildings that are organic and free-flowing, As I write in my book on The Red Fort of Shahjahanabad:
‘Although conceptually, the emperor was lord of the entire Fort as indeed of the entire empire, the Public and Private Common domains of the Fort were almost invisible to him and the imperial family. Hence, they developed in ways not normally associated with palaces, and displayed a built structure thematically consistent with the city, even without much enforced control. The segregation of movement patterns and the consequent variety in living spaces was a reflection of the social order at that time—a combination of control and freedom. This combination was effective in balancing the disciplined ceremonial needs of public space and the freedom essential for personalising individual space.’
Thus, different users experienced the Red Fort in different ways. This is one of the drawings I have made to show the perception of the Fort to noblemen, one category of the different users of the Fort who range from the Emperor and his family, to soldiers and ordinary people of the city. Movement was regulated and access controlled so that, unless given access to special vantage points, areas of the Fort remained invisible to those who were not meant to use them. Many visitors and artists therefore assume that the formality and symmetry seen in its public parts is a feature of the entire Fort, or depict it without its informal domains which were actually central to its functioning.
The multi-functional and regulated co-existence seen in the Fort is also manifest in the detailing and use of the Emperor’s formal public buildings and his private palaces. So, for instance, the Diwan-i-Am pavilion and forecourt, the climax of the public formal route into the Fort and the centre of court-ceremonies, is used everyday in the early morning hours by the Emperor to preside over the assembly of officers of the realm, and to conduct administrative affairs. Daily inspection of parades, of horses, hunting animals and arms are held in its chowk; every Wednesday it turns into a court of justice for people of the city with scholars and judges attending. On festive occasions such as at the inauguration of the Fort, the Emperor’s birthday, or Nauroz celebrations, this same space is used for formal public celebrations. Yet again, private rituals preceding weddings of the royal princes are held here; as are public rituals of laying food for charity on Id, etc.
As for the palaces of the Emperor, these are not formidable, multi-storeyed structures. They are delicately proportioned pavilions, adorned with finely carved and inlaid with precious stones, shimmering mirror work, and jali traceries of lace-like fineness. These pavilions are enclosed by gardens planted with fruit trees, fountains and flowers. Sitting within their translucent walls, one would have breathed in fragrances; watched the play of light and shadow and the sky change colour at dawn or dusk; heard the ripple and splash of water, felt the coolness of breezes. The scale, decoration, detailing and luxury is not intimidating, but humane and multi-sensory, dexterous and delicate.
Thus, we realise that the original architecture of the Red Fort is a refined resolution of space; of buildings not used as sealed objects but interlinked with open areas and each other: flexible, permeable, efficient and adaptive to different seasons and multiple use by a wide number of people across the social spectrum living in proximity. This architecture and the functions assigned in it reflect:
a patrimonial bureaucratic rule where the emperor was represented as a benevolent father who had the welfare of his subjects at heart, who personally oversaw even routine matters in the administrative and political affairs of the empire and who set both the trends and standards of social behaviour as well as artistic patronage.’
This, in turn is the embodiment of the underpinnings of life in the sub-continent with coexisting cultural and spatial identities. All this was destroyed by the British after 1857, in keeping with their ideas of the purpose of authority, which we can see manifested in the very different buildings that they constructed within the Fort. These buildings are alien to the architecture of the fort - austere, solid in massing, forbidding stern barracks — in stark contrast to the remaining airy Mughal pavilions. They sit isolated in the Fort, instead of being integrated with the open space around. They are devoid of ornament or delicacy; designed to keep out people and the natural world. They are made for a singular function, of housing the British military instead of all the pulsating life and the multiplicity of activities, knowledge-systems and skills, embodied in the original architecture of the Red Fort. We can see the transformation in the Fort, an empty shell within its enclosing walls, with the entire relationship of its interlinked built and open spaces obliterated, in these drawings depicting it before and after 1857.
The Red Fort is now a barred space, some parts of it occasionally used as a stage-set and backdrop for celebrations. These ironically dwell on its memory as a symbol of resistance to colonial British rule — while continuing colonial concepts of rigidly keeping people out and controlling their movement and access to the Fort through barriers, fenced lawns, circuitous and difficult entrance routes, and incomplete, fragmentary information. We must remember that architecture is an act of community as much as it is a manifestation of authority. What does it say about our ideals and existence today — when we reinforce the forlorn appearance and barren use of the Fort set forth during its colonial occupation?
And so to end, I would like to remind us of the concept of authority enumerated by Kautilya in the ‘Duties of a King’:
In the happiness of his subjects lies his happiness; in their welfare his welfare. He shall not consider as good only that which pleases him but treat as beneficial to him whatever pleases his subjects.